Category: ESG

What’s going on with the SEC’s proxy advisor rules?

Shall we catch up on some of the recent developments regarding the SEC’s proxy advisor rules? First, let’s take a look at what’s happening with the appeal of the opinion of the D.C. Federal District Court in ISS v. SEC, which, in February of this year, vacated the SEC’s 2020 rule that advice from proxy advisory firms was a “solicitation” under the proxy rules. Both the SEC and National Association of Manufacturers had filed notices of appeal in that case, but the SEC has mysteriously dropped out of that contest. Then, with regard to the separate ongoing litigation over the 2022 amendments to the proxy advisor rules—which reversed some of the key provisions in the 2020 rules—a new decision has been rendered by a three-judge panel of the 6th circuit, U.S. Chamber of Commerce v. SEC, upholding the 2022 amendments, thus creating a split with the recent decision of the 5th Circuit, National Association of Manufacturers v. SEC, on the same issue.

California legislature tinkers with climate disclosure laws

In 2023, when California Governor Gavin Newsom signed into law two bills related to climate disclosure—Senate Bill 253, the Climate Corporate Data Accountability Act, and SB 261, Greenhouse gases: climate-related financial risk—he questioned whether the implementation deadlines in the bills were actually feasible. (See this PubCo post.) So even as the bills were being signed, it looked like they might be in for an overhaul at some point—sooner rather than later.  In July this year, Newsom proposed, along with several other changes, a delay in the compliance dates for each bill until 2028. (See this PubCo post.) However, one of the bills’ key sponsors opposed the administration’s proposal, telling Politico that the proposal didn’t reflect an agreement with lawmakers: the “administration really wants additional delays for the disclosures. And we don’t agree on that.” Apparently, Newsom’s proposal did not go anywhere. Then, at the end of August, the California Legislature passed a bill, SB 219, introduced by two sponsors of SB 253 and SB 261, that seeks to meet the Governor part way. But many may view it as pretty weak tea: while the bill gives the California Air Resources Board, which was charged with writing new implementing regulations, a six-month reprieve in the due date, for reporting entities, there is no compliance delay in commencement of reporting—it’s a big goose egg. Newsom has until the end of September to veto or sign the bill; if he does neither, the bill will become law.

Are you ready for anti-anti-ESG?

You all remember the reams of anti-ESG bills that poured out of some of the states, not to mention the U.S. House?  According to Reuters, some “states have unleashed a policy push to punish Wall Street for taking stances on gun control, climate change, diversity and other social issues, in a warning for companies that have waded in to fractious social debates.” A 2022 Reuters analysis found that there were at least 44 bills or new laws in 17 states “penalizing such company policies, compared with roughly a dozen such measures in 2021.” (See this PubCo post.) In 2023, an article in Institutional Investor reported, 198 pieces of legislation were introduced, 23 laws passed and 6 resolutions adopted. And in 2024, the article reports, state legislators wrote 161 bills and resolutions in 28 states for consideration, with six bills passed so far. (See this PubCo post.)  Recently, however, ESG proponents have begun to employ a more aggressive strategy regarding anti-ESG legislation. They’re now playing in the same sandbox as the anti-ESG groups, pursuing anti-anti-ESG litigation—premised in part on…wait for it…the First Amendment, one of the favored legal strategies, of course, of the anti-ESG groups. What’s good for the goose is good for the gander?  What goes around comes around? As the call, so the echo? A couple of cases may illustrate the phenomenon. Will we see more?

What were the major trends of the 2024 proxy season on ESG shareholder proposals?

This article from Morningstar published on the Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance examines three major trends of the 2024 proxy season regarding environmental, social and governance shareholder proposals.  The author, the Director of Investment Stewardship Research at Morningstar, reports that, while the number of ESG-related proposals increased, there was a “twist in the tale”:  the increase primarily reflected a jump in anti-ESG proposals. Although support for ESG proposals on the whole was relatively flat at 23%, Morningstar found a “rebound in support for governance-focused proposals,” offsetting a decline in support for E&S proposals.

What’s the impact of political spending from corporate treasuries?

This new report, Corporate Underwriters: Where the Rubber Hits the Road, from the nonpartisan Center for Political Accountability, examines “the scope of corporate political spending and its impact on state and national politics and policy” by taking a deeper dive into six highly influential “527” organizations.  Who supports them and what is their impact?  In particular, what is their impact on a state level—now viewed by many as a new “seat of power” for a number of key issues of the day, from reproductive healthcare rights to voting rights to the rules surrounding vote tabulation and certification of elections. According to the report, since 2010, more than $1 billion has been donated from the corporate treasuries of major U.S. companies and their trade associations to these six 527s, characterized in the report as “powerful but often overlooked political organizations that have funded the elections of state government officials across the country. These elections have reshaped policy and politics and, more fundamentally, have had a major impact on our democracy.” The CPA’s vice president of research told Bloomberg that “corporate funding of down-ballot races typically gets significantly less attention than contributions to federal candidates but…that’s changing. State attorneys general, ‘are increasingly more partisan in the way they wield their power on a national stage.’ That can create ‘riskier associations’ for companies that back such organizations.”  The report concludes that corporate treasuries are “influential funder[s] of these elections and the dominant source of money for several of these committees. It examines the impact of corporate spending on some of the most controversial issues in the country. This spending poses serious risks to companies’ reputations, their profitability, and to the environment companies need to succeed.” Would adopting a code of political spending help? According to a recent survey, shareholders seem to think so.

New Cooley Alert: ISS Opens Survey for 2025 Policy Changes; Glass Lewis Seeks Informal Feedback

It’s that time again—ISS and Glass Lewis have launched their annual policy surveys, where they seek your feedback on some of their policies. That makes it just right time to get the scoop from this helpful new Cooley Alert, ISS Opens Survey for 2025 Policy Changes; Glass Lewis Seeks Informal Feedback, from our Compensation and Benefits and Public Companies groups. As discussed in the Alert, both surveys address executive comp issues; separately, ISS “focuses more on shareholder proposal-related policies,” and Glass Lewis asks “numerous questions regarding board oversight and performance, including director accountability.”  The Alert suggests that the 2025 amendments “may be relatively low impact,” consistent with the “relatively minor policy amendments from ISS and Glass Lewis in 2024.” Be sure to check out the new Alert!

In litigation over the SEC climate disclosure rules, have petitioners created a strawman?

As soon as the SEC adopted final rules “to enhance and standardize climate-related disclosures by public companies and in public offerings” in March (see this PubCo post, this PubCo post, this PubCo post, and this PubCo post), there was a deluge of litigation—even though, in the final rules, the SEC scaled back significantly on the proposal, putting the kibosh on the controversial mandate for Scope 3 GHG emissions reporting and requiring disclosure of Scope 1 and/or Scope 2 GHG emissions on a phased-in basis only by accelerated and large accelerated filers and only when those emissions are material. Those cases were then consolidated in the Eighth Circuit (see this PubCo post) and, in April, the SEC determined to exercise its discretion to stay the final climate disclosure rules “pending the completion of judicial review of the consolidated Eighth Circuit petitions.” (See this PubCo post.) There are currently nine consolidated cases—with two of the original petitioners, the Sierra Club and the Natural Resources Defense Council, having voluntarily exited the litigation (see this PubCo post), and the National Center for Public Policy Research having filed a petition to join the litigation more recently. (See this PubCo post). In June, petitioners began to submit their briefs (see this PubCo post).  Now, the SEC has filed its almost 25,000-word brief in the consolidated case, contending that petitioners have set up a “strawman—challenging reimagined rules that the Commission did not enact and criticizing a rationale that the Commission expressly disclaimed.” More specifically, the SEC’s brief defends its authority to adopt these rules and the reasonableness of its actions and process under the APA and contends that, as compelled commercial (or commercial-like) disclosure, the rules are consistent with the First Amendment.

Are the floodgates about to open after the demise of Chevron deference?

Utah v. Julie A. Su, a new opinion from Fifth Circuit, concerns an appeal of the “weighty question”—post Chevron—of whether, as phrased by the Court, “ERISA allow[s] retirement plan managers to consider factors that are not material to financial performance when making investment decisions affecting workers’ retirement savings.”  Can ERISA fiduciaries “consider ‘collateral benefits’ when making investment decisions on behalf of the pension plans they manage”? In 2021, the Department of Labor adopted a new rule that interpreted ERISA to allow retirement plan managers to consider “‘the economic effects of climate change and other environmental, social, or governance factors’ in the event that competing investment options ‘equally serve the financial interests of the plan.’” That rule had effectively reversed a “midnight regulation” adopted by the prior Administration that “forbade ERISA fiduciaries from considering ‘non-pecuniary’ factors when making investment decisions.”  The new rule was immediately challenged by a group of states, companies and trade associations, claiming that the new rule was inconsistent with ERISA and arbitrary and capricious under the Administrative Procedure Act.  The district court, following the mandate of Chevron, deferred to the interpretation of the current DOL and rejected the challenge. Plaintiffs appealed.  And then…… SCOTUS overruled Chevron. In a new decision, a three-judge panel of the Fifth Circuit has elected not to answer that weighty question on appeal—not now at least: “Given the upended legal landscape, and our status as a court of review, not first view, we vacate and remand so that the district court can reassess the merits.”   Are we about to see a slew of these types of decisions revisiting agency regulations after the demise of Chevron? Time will tell.

Is a delay in the cards for California’s climate accountability laws? [SideBar updated 7/27]

You might recall that, in 2023, California Governor Gavin Newsom signed into law two bills related to climate disclosure: Senate Bill 253, the Climate Corporate Data Accountability Act, and SB261, Greenhouse gases: climate-related financial risk. SB 253 mandates disclosure of GHG emissions data—Scopes 1, 2 and 3—by all U.S. business entities (public or private) with total annual revenues in excess of a billion dollars that “do business in California.” SB 253 has been estimated to apply to about 5,300 companies. SB 253 requires disclosure regarding Scopes 1 and 2 GHG emissions beginning in 2026, with Scope 3 (upstream and downstream emissions in a company’s value chain) disclosure in 2027. SB 261, with a lower reporting threshold of total annual revenues in excess of $500 million, requires subject companies to prepare reports disclosing their climate-related financial risk in accordance with the TCFD framework and describing their measures adopted to reduce and adapt to that risk. SB 261 has been estimated to apply to over 10,000 companies. SB 261 requires that preparation and public posting on the company’s own website commence on or before January 1, 2026, and continue biennially thereafter. Notably, the laws exceed the requirements of the SEC’s climate disclosure regulations because, among other things, one of the laws covers Scope 3 emissions, and they both apply to both public and private companies that meet the applicable size tests. (For more information about these two laws, see this PubCo post.) Interestingly, even when Newsom signed the bills, he raised a number of questions. (See this PubCo post.) Specifically, on SB 253, Newsom said “the implementation deadlines in this bill are likely infeasible, and the reporting protocol specified could result in inconsistent reporting across businesses subject to the measure. I am directing my Administration to work with the bill’s author and the Legislature next year to address these issues. Additionally, I am concerned about the overall financial impact of this bill on businesses, so I am instructing CARB to closely monitor the cost impact as it implements this new bill and to make recommendations to streamline the program.” Similarly, on SB261, Newsom said that “the implementation deadlines fall short in providing the California Air Resources Board (CARB) with sufficient time to adequately carry out the requirements in this bill,” and made a similar comment about the overall financial impact of the bill on businesses. So it was fairly predictable that something of a do-over was in the cards. Now, as reported here and here by Politico, Newsom has proposed a delay in the compliance dates for each bill until 2028. A spokesperson for Newsom “said the proposal ‘addresses concerns’ about cost, timeline and the ‘entirely new and significant workload for the state and the entities covered by these new requirements.’”

Would “reframing” ESG restore its appeal?

In this Comment from a Reuters magazine, the author attempts to rescue the underlying environmental, social and governance principles from the often disparaged term, “ESG.” ESG, he observes, was “[o]riginally conceived as a financial tool to frame how corporations disclose their impact and investment,” but has now become a term that is “fraught with debate, lacks a clear definition and is often misunderstood.” However, he contends, people actually associate many of the values and concepts underlying ESG with business success.  Perhaps the term should be retired, he suggests, in favor of something less freighted.  “Responsible business” might do the trick—especially “responsible business” that correlates with positive corporate performance.