Category: ESG

In litigation over the SEC climate disclosure rules, have petitioners created a strawman?

As soon as the SEC adopted final rules “to enhance and standardize climate-related disclosures by public companies and in public offerings” in March (see this PubCo post, this PubCo post, this PubCo post, and this PubCo post), there was a deluge of litigation—even though, in the final rules, the SEC scaled back significantly on the proposal, putting the kibosh on the controversial mandate for Scope 3 GHG emissions reporting and requiring disclosure of Scope 1 and/or Scope 2 GHG emissions on a phased-in basis only by accelerated and large accelerated filers and only when those emissions are material. Those cases were then consolidated in the Eighth Circuit (see this PubCo post) and, in April, the SEC determined to exercise its discretion to stay the final climate disclosure rules “pending the completion of judicial review of the consolidated Eighth Circuit petitions.” (See this PubCo post.) There are currently nine consolidated cases—with two of the original petitioners, the Sierra Club and the Natural Resources Defense Council, having voluntarily exited the litigation (see this PubCo post), and the National Center for Public Policy Research having filed a petition to join the litigation more recently. (See this PubCo post). In June, petitioners began to submit their briefs (see this PubCo post).  Now, the SEC has filed its almost 25,000-word brief in the consolidated case, contending that petitioners have set up a “strawman—challenging reimagined rules that the Commission did not enact and criticizing a rationale that the Commission expressly disclaimed.” More specifically, the SEC’s brief defends its authority to adopt these rules and the reasonableness of its actions and process under the APA and contends that, as compelled commercial (or commercial-like) disclosure, the rules are consistent with the First Amendment.

Are the floodgates about to open after the demise of Chevron deference?

Utah v. Julie A. Su, a new opinion from Fifth Circuit, concerns an appeal of the “weighty question”—post Chevron—of whether, as phrased by the Court, “ERISA allow[s] retirement plan managers to consider factors that are not material to financial performance when making investment decisions affecting workers’ retirement savings.”  Can ERISA fiduciaries “consider ‘collateral benefits’ when making investment decisions on behalf of the pension plans they manage”? In 2021, the Department of Labor adopted a new rule that interpreted ERISA to allow retirement plan managers to consider “‘the economic effects of climate change and other environmental, social, or governance factors’ in the event that competing investment options ‘equally serve the financial interests of the plan.’” That rule had effectively reversed a “midnight regulation” adopted by the prior Administration that “forbade ERISA fiduciaries from considering ‘non-pecuniary’ factors when making investment decisions.”  The new rule was immediately challenged by a group of states, companies and trade associations, claiming that the new rule was inconsistent with ERISA and arbitrary and capricious under the Administrative Procedure Act.  The district court, following the mandate of Chevron, deferred to the interpretation of the current DOL and rejected the challenge. Plaintiffs appealed.  And then…… SCOTUS overruled Chevron. In a new decision, a three-judge panel of the Fifth Circuit has elected not to answer that weighty question on appeal—not now at least: “Given the upended legal landscape, and our status as a court of review, not first view, we vacate and remand so that the district court can reassess the merits.”   Are we about to see a slew of these types of decisions revisiting agency regulations after the demise of Chevron? Time will tell.

Is a delay in the cards for California’s climate accountability laws? [SideBar updated 7/27]

You might recall that, in 2023, California Governor Gavin Newsom signed into law two bills related to climate disclosure: Senate Bill 253, the Climate Corporate Data Accountability Act, and SB261, Greenhouse gases: climate-related financial risk. SB 253 mandates disclosure of GHG emissions data—Scopes 1, 2 and 3—by all U.S. business entities (public or private) with total annual revenues in excess of a billion dollars that “do business in California.” SB 253 has been estimated to apply to about 5,300 companies. SB 253 requires disclosure regarding Scopes 1 and 2 GHG emissions beginning in 2026, with Scope 3 (upstream and downstream emissions in a company’s value chain) disclosure in 2027. SB 261, with a lower reporting threshold of total annual revenues in excess of $500 million, requires subject companies to prepare reports disclosing their climate-related financial risk in accordance with the TCFD framework and describing their measures adopted to reduce and adapt to that risk. SB 261 has been estimated to apply to over 10,000 companies. SB 261 requires that preparation and public posting on the company’s own website commence on or before January 1, 2026, and continue biennially thereafter. Notably, the laws exceed the requirements of the SEC’s climate disclosure regulations because, among other things, one of the laws covers Scope 3 emissions, and they both apply to both public and private companies that meet the applicable size tests. (For more information about these two laws, see this PubCo post.) Interestingly, even when Newsom signed the bills, he raised a number of questions. (See this PubCo post.) Specifically, on SB 253, Newsom said “the implementation deadlines in this bill are likely infeasible, and the reporting protocol specified could result in inconsistent reporting across businesses subject to the measure. I am directing my Administration to work with the bill’s author and the Legislature next year to address these issues. Additionally, I am concerned about the overall financial impact of this bill on businesses, so I am instructing CARB to closely monitor the cost impact as it implements this new bill and to make recommendations to streamline the program.” Similarly, on SB261, Newsom said that “the implementation deadlines fall short in providing the California Air Resources Board (CARB) with sufficient time to adequately carry out the requirements in this bill,” and made a similar comment about the overall financial impact of the bill on businesses. So it was fairly predictable that something of a do-over was in the cards. Now, as reported here and here by Politico, Newsom has proposed a delay in the compliance dates for each bill until 2028. A spokesperson for Newsom “said the proposal ‘addresses concerns’ about cost, timeline and the ‘entirely new and significant workload for the state and the entities covered by these new requirements.’”

Would “reframing” ESG restore its appeal?

In this Comment from a Reuters magazine, the author attempts to rescue the underlying environmental, social and governance principles from the often disparaged term, “ESG.” ESG, he observes, was “[o]riginally conceived as a financial tool to frame how corporations disclose their impact and investment,” but has now become a term that is “fraught with debate, lacks a clear definition and is often misunderstood.” However, he contends, people actually associate many of the values and concepts underlying ESG with business success.  Perhaps the term should be retired, he suggests, in favor of something less freighted.  “Responsible business” might do the trick—especially “responsible business” that correlates with positive corporate performance.

SEC’s Spring 2024 agenda delays most actions until 2025

As reported by Bloomberglaw.com, during an interview in February on “Balance of Power” on Bloomberg Television, SEC Chair Gary Gensler said that he does not intend to “rush” the SEC’s agenda “to get ahead of possible political changes in Washington,” that is, in anticipation of the November elections. According to Bloomberg, Gensler insisted that he’s “‘not doing this against the clock….It’s about getting it right and allowing staff to work their part.’” The SEC has just posted the new Spring 2024 Agenda and, looking at the target dates indicated on the agenda, it appears that Gensler is a man true to his word. The only new item (relevant to our interests here) slated for possible adoption this year is a distinctly apolitical proposal about EDGAR Filer Access and Account Management. And, while a few proposals are targeted for launch (or relaunch) this year—two related to financial institutions and, notably, a proposal for human capital disclosure—most are also put off until April next year—post-election, that is, when the agenda might look entirely different. (Of course, the SEC sometimes acts well in advance of the target.) According to the SEC’s preamble, the items listed in the Regulatory Flexibility Agenda for Spring 2024 “reflect only the priorities of the Chair.”  In addition, information on the agenda was accurate as of May 1, 2024, the date on which the SEC staff completed compilation of the data.  In his statement on the agenda, Gensler said that “[i]n every generation since the SEC’s founding 90 years ago, our Commission has updated rules to meet the markets and technologies of the times. We work to promote the efficiency, integrity, and resiliency of the markets. We do so to ensure the markets work for investors and issuers alike, not the other way around. We benefit in all of our work from robust public input regarding proposed rule changes.”

SCOTUS overrules Chevron—a gut punch to the administrative state?

On Friday, SCOTUS issued its decision in two very important cases, Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo and Relentless, Inc. v. Dept of Commerce, about whether the National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS) has the authority to require Atlantic herring fishing vessels to pay some of the costs for onboard federal observers who are required to monitor regulatory compliance. To be sure, the transcendent significance of these cases has little to do with fishing and everything to do with the authority of administrative agencies to regulate: the question presented to SCOTUS was whether the Court should continue the decades-long deference of courts, under Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, to the reasonable interpretations of statutes by agencies. The doctrine of Chevron deference mandates that, if a statute does not directly address the “precise question at issue” or if there is ambiguity in how to interpret the statute, courts must accept an agency’s “permissible” (think, “reasonable”) interpretation of a law unless it is arbitrary or manifestly contrary to the statute. In a majority opinion by Chief Justice John Roberts, the Court rejected the doctrine: the “deference that Chevron requires of courts reviewing agency action cannot be squared with the [Administrative Procedure Act].” In case you scoff at the significance of the decision, consider the seminal nature of the doctrine as described in this 2006 article by Cass Sunstein: Chevron “has become foundational, even a quasi-constitutional text—the undisputed starting point for any assessment of the allocation of authority between federal courts and administrative agencies. Ironically, Justice Stevens, the author of Chevron, had no broad ambitions for the decision; the Court did not mean to do anything dramatic. But shortly after it appeared, Chevron was quickly taken to establish a new approach to judicial review of agency interpretations of law, going so far as to create a kind of counter-Marbury for the administrative state.” Alluding to language from Marbury, Sunstein proclaimed that “Chevron seemed to declare that in the face of ambiguity, it is emphatically the province and duty of the administrative department to say what the law is.”  Not anymore. A six-justice majority of the Court has just overruled Chevron, with concurrences by each of Justices Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch and a dissent by Justice Elena Kagan, joined by Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown Jackson (only on Relentless). The implications of the decision are almost boundless—every current and future federal regulatory regime could be affected. As Kagan wrote in her dissent, this decision “puts courts at the apex of the administrative process as to every conceivable subject—because there are always gaps and ambiguities in regulatory statutes, and often of great import. What actions can be taken to address climate change or other environmental challenges? What will the Nation’s health-care system look like in the coming decades? Or the financial or transportation systems? What rules are going to constrain the development of A.I.?  In every sphere of current or future federal regulation, expect courts from now on to play a commanding role.”

What’s happening with anti-ESG legislation?

Reams of anti-ESG legislation have been proposed recently at both the state and federal levels.  This article from Institutional Investor updates us on the status of state anti-ESG legislative efforts in 2024. And, following “ESG month” in the U.S. House (see this PubCo post) and the advancement of seven pieces of anti-ESG legislation to the House floor, Public Citizen engaged pollsters Lake Research Partners to conduct a survey of voters’ views of anti-ESG bills and the policies underlying them, as discussed in this article on the Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance.

The Chamber and NCPPR file brief challenging SEC climate disclosure rule

As you probably recall, on March 6, the SEC adopted final rules “to enhance and standardize climate-related disclosures by public companies and in public offerings.” (See this PubCo post, this PubCo post, this PubCo post, and this PubCo post.) Even though, in the final rules, the SEC scaled back significantly on the proposal—including putting the kibosh on the controversial mandate for Scope 3 GHG emissions reporting and requiring disclosure of Scope 1 and/or Scope 2 GHG emissions on a phased-in basis only by accelerated and large accelerated filers and only when those emissions are material—all kinds of litigation immediately ensued. Those cases were then consolidated in the Eighth Circuit (see this PubCo post) and, in April, the SEC determined to exercise its discretion to stay the final climate disclosure rules “pending the completion of judicial review of the consolidated Eighth Circuit petitions.” There are currently nine consolidated cases—with two petitioners, the Sierra Club and the Natural Resources Defense Council, having voluntarily exited the litigation (see this PubCo post), and a new petition having just been filed by the National Center for Public Policy Research, a familiar presence in various cases, such as the legal challenges to the Nasdaq board diversity rules (see this PubCo post), state and corporate DEI initiatives (see this PubCo post  and this PubCo post), and litigation over shareholder proposals (see this PubCo post). Petitioners have recently begun to submit briefing.  One that has been made available is the brief that was filed on behalf of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Texas Association of Business, Longview Chamber of Commerce and the National Center for Public Policy Research.

Court calls a halt to Exxon case against Arjuna

In January, ExxonMobil filed a lawsuit against Arjuna Capital, LLC and Follow This, the two proponents of a climate-related shareholder proposal submitted to Exxon, seeking a declaratory judgment that it may exclude their proposal from its 2024 annual meeting proxy statement. Then, the two proponents notified Exxon that they had withdrawn their proposal and promised not to refile; therefore, they said, the case was moot. But Exxon refused to withdraw its complaint because it believed that there was still a critical live controversy for the Court to resolve.  And the Federal District Court for the Northern District of Texas agreed—at least as to Arjuna.  While the Court dismissed the case against Follow This, an association organized in the Netherlands, for lack of personal jurisdiction, it allowed the case against Arjuna to proceed on the basis of both subject matter and personal jurisdiction, citing precedent that “a defendant’s voluntary cessation of a challenged practice does not deprive a federal court of its power to determine the legality of the practice.” (For background on this case, see this PubCo post.) According to the Court, the “voluntary-cessation doctrine requires more than platitudes to render a case moot;…to moot Exxon’s claim, Defendants must show that it is ‘absolutely clear’ the relevant conduct ‘could not reasonably be expected to recur.’” But the argument continued, even after the decision was rendered, as Arjuna continued to submit letters to Exxon in which Arjuna “unconditionally and irrevocably covenant[ed] to refrain henceforth from submitting any proposal for consideration by Exxon shareholders relating to GHG or climate change,” and Exxon continued to contend that the letters were not enough.  (See this PubCo post.)  Finally, yesterday, after a hearing on the matter, the Court called a halt, issuing an Order that Exxon’s claim was moot and dismissing the action without prejudice. But not before the Court got in a few digs at Arjuna, activism and even at the SEC.

What does the Nasdaq board diversity data tell us?

As you know, the Nasdaq board diversity disclosure requirements might be in jeopardy at the moment, as we await the decision of the en banc Fifth Circuit following oral argument in Alliance for Fair Board Recruitment and National Center for Public Policy Research v. SEC.  As noted in this PubCo post, the discussion at oral argument seemed to be dominated by rule skeptics. Notwithstanding the possibility that the rules might be overturned—or perhaps because they might be—the folks at Bloomberg Law have used the opportunity to analyze some of the data from those disclosures, offering a glimpse into the current state of corporate board diversity among the over 4,000 Nasdaq-listed companies.   What is the bottom line? The authors found that “companies have diversified their boards in part by predominantly hiring white women—meeting the rule’s gender-based requirements—but falling short when it comes to other demographics.”