Results for: conflict minerals

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April 27, 2015 July 16, 2014 July 16, 2014 July 14, 2014 July 14, 2014 July 10, 2014 June 30, 2014 June 30, 2014 June 27, 2014 June 25, 2014 June 23, 2014 June 13, 2014 June 12, 2014 June 11, 2014 June 11, 2014 June 6, 2014 June 5, […]

Publish the list — hold the irony

by Cydney Posner As required by section 1502(d)(3)(C) of Dodd-Frank, the U.S. Commerce Department has compiled and posted (albeit more than a year late) a list of ”all known conflict mineral processing facilities worldwide.”  Without the slightest hint of irony, Commerce notes that the list does “not indicate whether a […]

Are the securities laws a First Amendment free zone?

by Cydney Posner When does the First Amendment prevent the Government from compelling companies to make specified disclosures? Isn’t that what the securities laws are all about?  Are the securities laws just exempt from First Amendment challenges? After all, the USSCT has long recognized that “the exchange of information about […]

Rare good news from the DRC?

by Cydney Posner This month, the Enough Project issued a relatively favorable report on progress in the DRC and adjoining countries in curtailing the funding of armed groups through the trade in conflict minerals (tin, tantalum, tungsten and gold –3TG).  Happily, according to the Enough Project — one of the key proponents […]

Court denies Chamber’s motion for summary judgment that California climate disclosure laws violate First Amendment

Given the impending change in Administration in D.C.—and all that portends for regulation—the States may, in many ways, take on much larger significance. Case in point: California’s climate disclosure laws and the ongoing litigation challenges there. In January, the U.S. and California Chambers of Commerce, the American Farm Bureau Federation and others filed a complaint (and in February, an amended complaint) against two executives of the California Air Resources Board and the California Attorney General challenging these two California laws. The lawsuit seeks declaratory relief that the two laws are void because they violate the First Amendment, are precluded under the Supremacy Clause by the Clean Air Act, and are invalid under the Constitution’s limitations on extraterritorial regulation, particularly under the dormant Commerce Clause.  The litigation also seeks injunctive relief to prevent CARB from taking any action to enforce these two laws. (See this PubCo post.) California then filed a motion to dismiss the amended complaint for lack of subject matter jurisdiction and failure to state a claim. Interestingly, however, the motion did not seek dismissal of Plaintiffs’ First Amendment claim (except as to the Attorney General, whom the motion seeks to exclude altogether on the basis of sovereign immunity), even though California asserted that Plaintiffs’ First Amendment challenge was “legally flawed.”  The Plaintiffs then moved for summary judgment on the First Amendment claim, and California moved to deny that motion or to defer it, enabling the parties to conduct discovery.  In this Order, issued on election day, the Federal District Court for the Central District of California denied Plaintiffs’ motion to dismiss and granted California’s motion to deny or defer the motion for summary judgment.

Are you ready for anti-anti-ESG?

You all remember the reams of anti-ESG bills that poured out of some of the states, not to mention the U.S. House?  According to Reuters, some “states have unleashed a policy push to punish Wall Street for taking stances on gun control, climate change, diversity and other social issues, in a warning for companies that have waded in to fractious social debates.” A 2022 Reuters analysis found that there were at least 44 bills or new laws in 17 states “penalizing such company policies, compared with roughly a dozen such measures in 2021.” (See this PubCo post.) In 2023, an article in Institutional Investor reported, 198 pieces of legislation were introduced, 23 laws passed and 6 resolutions adopted. And in 2024, the article reports, state legislators wrote 161 bills and resolutions in 28 states for consideration, with six bills passed so far. (See this PubCo post.)  Recently, however, ESG proponents have begun to employ a more aggressive strategy regarding anti-ESG legislation. They’re now playing in the same sandbox as the anti-ESG groups, pursuing anti-anti-ESG litigation—premised in part on…wait for it…the First Amendment, one of the favored legal strategies, of course, of the anti-ESG groups. What’s good for the goose is good for the gander?  What goes around comes around? As the call, so the echo? A couple of cases may illustrate the phenomenon. Will we see more?

Is a delay in the cards for California’s climate accountability laws? [SideBar updated 7/27]

You might recall that, in 2023, California Governor Gavin Newsom signed into law two bills related to climate disclosure: Senate Bill 253, the Climate Corporate Data Accountability Act, and SB261, Greenhouse gases: climate-related financial risk. SB 253 mandates disclosure of GHG emissions data—Scopes 1, 2 and 3—by all U.S. business entities (public or private) with total annual revenues in excess of a billion dollars that “do business in California.” SB 253 has been estimated to apply to about 5,300 companies. SB 253 requires disclosure regarding Scopes 1 and 2 GHG emissions beginning in 2026, with Scope 3 (upstream and downstream emissions in a company’s value chain) disclosure in 2027. SB 261, with a lower reporting threshold of total annual revenues in excess of $500 million, requires subject companies to prepare reports disclosing their climate-related financial risk in accordance with the TCFD framework and describing their measures adopted to reduce and adapt to that risk. SB 261 has been estimated to apply to over 10,000 companies. SB 261 requires that preparation and public posting on the company’s own website commence on or before January 1, 2026, and continue biennially thereafter. Notably, the laws exceed the requirements of the SEC’s climate disclosure regulations because, among other things, one of the laws covers Scope 3 emissions, and they both apply to both public and private companies that meet the applicable size tests. (For more information about these two laws, see this PubCo post.) Interestingly, even when Newsom signed the bills, he raised a number of questions. (See this PubCo post.) Specifically, on SB 253, Newsom said “the implementation deadlines in this bill are likely infeasible, and the reporting protocol specified could result in inconsistent reporting across businesses subject to the measure. I am directing my Administration to work with the bill’s author and the Legislature next year to address these issues. Additionally, I am concerned about the overall financial impact of this bill on businesses, so I am instructing CARB to closely monitor the cost impact as it implements this new bill and to make recommendations to streamline the program.” Similarly, on SB261, Newsom said that “the implementation deadlines fall short in providing the California Air Resources Board (CARB) with sufficient time to adequately carry out the requirements in this bill,” and made a similar comment about the overall financial impact of the bill on businesses. So it was fairly predictable that something of a do-over was in the cards. Now, as reported here and here by Politico, Newsom has proposed a delay in the compliance dates for each bill until 2028. A spokesperson for Newsom “said the proposal ‘addresses concerns’ about cost, timeline and the ‘entirely new and significant workload for the state and the entities covered by these new requirements.’”

Relentless Inc. v. Dept. of Commerce: SCOTUS grants cert. to another case about Atlantic herring—and Chevron deference

On October 13, SCOTUS granted cert. in the case of Relentless, Inc. v. Dept of Commerce, a case about whether the National Marine Fisheries Service has the authority to require herring fishing vessels to pay some of the costs for onboard federal observers who are required to monitor regulatory compliance.  Does that ring a bell?  Probably, because it’s exactly the same issue on which SCOTUS has already granted cert. in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo. (See this PubCo post.) Why grant cert. in this case too?  It’s been widely reported that the reason was to allow Justice Kenji Brown Jackson, who had recused herself on Loper Bright, to participate in what will likely be a very important decision: whether the Court should continue the decades-long deference of courts, under Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, to the reasonable interpretations of statutes by agencies (such as the National Marine Fisheries Service or, as has happened fairly often, the SEC, see this Cooley News Brief). The question presented is “ [w]hether the Court should overrule Chevron or at least clarify that statutory silence concerning controversial powers expressly but narrowly granted elsewhere in the statute does not constitute an ambiguity requiring deference to the agency.” The decision could narrow, or even completely undo, that deference. The grant of cert provided that the two cases will be argued in tandem in the January 2024 argument session. Mark your calendars.

SEC’s climate disclosure rules probably pushed back until fall

Here’s a scoop from S&P Global Market Intelligence : apparently, the climate disclosure rulemaking that was targeted for adoption in April 2023 has now been pushed back to the fall.  At least that’s the information that former SEC Commissioner Robert Jackson has learned and revealed on a recent webinar.  But given the thousands of comment letters and all the controversy over the climate disclosure rules, including pushback from politicians claiming the SEC had no authority to adopt climate disclosure rules, are you really surprised?

SEC floats dialing back climate disclosure rules

The SEC has apparently let it be known—or perhaps a few reporters are especially intrepid—that it may well pare down and loosen up some of its proposed rules on climate disclosure (see this PubCo post, this PubCo post and this PubCo post).  In this article in Politico and this article in the WSJ, “three people familiar with the matter” and “people close to the agency” told reporters that SEC Chair Gary Gensler is “considering scaling back a potentially groundbreaking climate-risk disclosure rule that has drawn intense opposition from corporate America.”   According to Politico, SEC officials “stress that no decision has yet been made,” so time will tell where the final rulemaking will end up.