A new petition has been filed challenging the Nasdaq board diversity rule (see this PubCo post). The National Center for Public Policy Research filed the petition on Tuesday with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, but asked the court to transfer the proceeding to the Fifth Circuit, where an earlier petition filed by the Alliance for Fair Board Recruitment is pending. (See this PubCo post.) The new Nasdaq listing rules, which were approved by the SEC on August 6, adopt a “comply or explain” mandate for board diversity for most listed companies and require companies listed on Nasdaq’s U.S. exchange to publicly disclose “consistent, transparent diversity statistics” regarding the composition of their boards.
Today, SCOTUS decided Kisor v. Wilkie, an important case that raised the question of whether to overrule the decades-long deference of courts to the reasonable interpretations by agencies (such as the SEC) of their own ambiguous regulations, often referred to as Auer deference (or Seminole Rock deference, referring to Auer’s antecedent). SCOTUS, with Justice Kagan writing the majority opinion (with Chief Justice Roberts as the swing vote), said no. Justice Gorsuch (and three other Justices) would overturn Auer. According to Gorsuch, the majority’s decision was “more a stay of execution than a pardon.”
As noted in this PubCo post, SCOTUS recently heard oral argument in Kisor v. Wilkie, a case involving the interpretation of a regulation issued by the Department of Veteran’s Affairs. In Kisor, a Vietnam vet, suffering from service-related PTSD, sought retroactive disability benefits from the VA. Interpreting the meaning of the term “relevant” as used in one of its own regs, the VA denied his claim for retroactive benefits. Why is this case important to public companies? Because the question presented to the Court was whether to continue the decades-long deference of courts to the reasonable interpretations by agencies (such as the SEC) of their own ambiguous regulations, often referred to as Auer deference (or Seminole Rock deference, referring to Auer’s antecedent). The decision, expected by this summer, could narrowly restrict, or even completely undo, that deference.
The case represents yet another example of concentrated efforts to dismantle or severely limit the administrative state—or the “deep state,” depending on your point of view. As explained in the opening of the amicus brief of the Cato Institute, quoting Chief Justice Roberts in dissent, “[o]verturning Auer would be a modest but important check on the ‘the danger posed by the growing power of the administrative state.’ City of Arlington, Tex. v. F.C.C.” What’s more, in his cert. petition, Kisor argued that “‘[r]evisiting Auer deference [would be] an appropriate place to begin’ a more complete ‘reconsideration’ of ‘existing doctrines of agency deference,’ including under Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Res. Def. Council, Inc.” (quoted from the amicus brief of a group of Professors of Administrative Law and Federal Regulation in support of neither party).